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    <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/224424</link>
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    <pubDate>Mon, 20 May 2013 22:13:41 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2013-05-20T22:13:41Z</dc:date>
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      <title>Cops, councils and crime and disorder : a critical review of three community safety partnerships</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226720</link>
      <description>Title: Cops, councils and crime and disorder : a critical review of three community safety partnerships
Authors: Skinns, Layla
Abstract: This dissertation critically reviews three community safety partnerships. It contributes to&#xD;
learning by using new data to examine some of the enduring challenges faced by the partnerships as&#xD;
they respond to the changing socio-political context. These multi-agency bodies primarily involve the&#xD;
police and local authority, along with the fire service, and primary care trust as statutory partners,&#xD;
and other criminal justice agencies. Although multi-agency work has a long history, Community&#xD;
Safety Partnerships originated most notably within the Morgan Report published in 1991. The&#xD;
principles outlined within the Morgan Report were subsequently embodied in the Crime and&#xD;
Disorder Act 1998 which itself attempted to formalise and standardise community safety structures&#xD;
and practice.&#xD;
The research has involved fifty-eight in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, and&#xD;
observation of twenty-nine meetings held in Birmingham, Cambridge and Lincoln. These three areas&#xD;
were chosen to facilitate comparison in terms of the size of the city, local authority structure, level of&#xD;
urbanisation and concomitant social deprivation, and levels of crime. My research suggests four key&#xD;
challenges. The first of these concerns the development of structures within the post Crime and&#xD;
Disorder Act 1998 period. The purpose, structure and processes varied between areas. Birmingham,&#xD;
for example, struggled to develop an appropriate structure because of its size and the devolution of&#xD;
local authority services. In all three areas, however, those interviewed noted a lack of decisionmaking&#xD;
and implementation which raised questions about the purpose of the partnerships beyond&#xD;
being 'talking shops' .&#xD;
The second challenge concerns the changing social context for new partnership&#xD;
developments. For example, the two-tier local authority structure in Cambridge and Lincoln posed&#xD;
particular problems. Moreover, in all three areas community involvement appeared to be symbolic&#xD;
rather than 'real'; this inhibited developments and emphasised some of the difficulties inherent in&#xD;
communitariarusm.&#xD;
The third challenge relates to funding and performance monitoring arrangements. Here,&#xD;
practitioners noted the influence of bureaucracy and 'short-termism'. The early 'honeymoon period'&#xD;
where there was relatively little government interference (Phillips et al., 2002) had ended and the&#xD;
partnerships had clearly experienced increasing managerialist pressure, but in spite of this pressure,&#xD;
evidence of longer-term success remained scarce. As outlined in the Audit Commission (2002),&#xD;
practitioners in the three partnerships acknowledged that with the exception of specific initiatives, the&#xD;
post 1998 developments had yet to make a significant impact on crime and disorder or that at best,&#xD;
they remained unclear about the impact. Such uncertainty about impact could be a consequence of&#xD;
the difficulties of measuring performance, of course, due to difficulties in accessing relevant data and&#xD;
information about community safety initiatives.&#xD;
Fourth, there appear to be inherent difficulties in assuming that 'many agencies are better&#xD;
than one' in addressing community safety (Liddle, 2001). An 'ideology of unity' (Crawford and Jones,&#xD;
1995), however, may mask underlying tensions. My research revealed tensions at different levels,&#xD;
including tensions between the local partnerships and national government. This is not to say that&#xD;
local practitioners lacked autonomy, however, as they were able to resist some of the governmental&#xD;
constraints. But interagency relationships appeared to be underpinned by power struggles which&#xD;
served to undermine joined-up community safety practice; in particular, the struggles raised&#xD;
questions about who was responsible for community safety in each area.&#xD;
The challenges for the partnerships, as revealed in this dissertation, suggest that the&#xD;
recommendations within the Morgan Report of 1991 have not been addressed nor has the Crime and&#xD;
Disorder Act 1998 standardised community safety structures and practice. The notion of&#xD;
'responsibilisation' (Garland, 2001) through decentralised governance is clearly a complex issue; the&#xD;
Government appears to wish to both 'steer' and 'row' each of the partnerships and this leaves&#xD;
practitioners uncertain of their own role. This is one example of the contradiction between the 'reality'&#xD;
and symbolism of community safety practice which seems to underpin the partnerships.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2005 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226720</guid>
      <dc:date>2005-11-22T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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