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    <title>DSpace Community:</title>
    <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/221680</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Thu, 20 Jun 2013 00:07:22 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2013-06-20T00:07:22Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>Challenges and Recommendations for ‘Visitors’ Teaching Design in the Developing World towards Sustainable Equitable Futures: Four Divided Nations</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/243520</link>
      <description>Title: Challenges and Recommendations for ‘Visitors’ Teaching Design in the Developing World towards Sustainable Equitable Futures: Four Divided Nations
Authors: Jann, Marga
Abstract: The four arenas of architectural and design education explored in this paper are Sri Lanka, Korea, Cyprus, and Uganda, each of which graciously welcomed the author's teaching and research for a year or so as Visiting Professor. The study attempts to pave the way for further exhaustive international exchange and cooperation in the design arts towards long-term poverty reduction and sustainable development, with a focus on challenges and recommendations for "visiting" design critics.
Description: Monograph</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/243520</guid>
      <dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lippi Brandolini on King Mathias or on Deterioration of Health</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241090</link>
      <description>Title: Lippi Brandolini on King Mathias or on Deterioration of Health
Authors: Horvath, Agnes
Abstract: This forgotten text by a Renaissance humanist offers an intriguing testimony on the confrontation of the notion of health concerning medieval Christianity and the Renaissance. From the point of view of the Renaissance, the characteristic medieval Christian obsessions for slaving the self considered as barbaric, not suited anymore for the majesty of rulers who occupy themselves with their whole integrity toward the affairs of the state. Being overcome with illness, as alluded in the title of this case study text, became considered an evil subordination quite in opposition of the Christian point of view, by the time when Renaissance humanist Brandolini had written this dialogue in the court of the Hungarian king. Examining this text  helps to understand the essential fragility of the notion of health, wholeness and its lost in religious and political context.
Description: First English translation (by John Barry)of a Renaissance text on the conversation of the Hungarian King Mathias with his wife, Queen Beatrix. Foreword and edition by Agnes Horvath.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241090</guid>
      <dc:date>2012-01-18T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reclaiming Beauty Conference, 25 May, University of Cambridge</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241076</link>
      <description>Title: Reclaiming Beauty Conference, 25 May, University of Cambridge
Authors: Horvath, Agnes; Cuffe, James
Abstract: The workshop will be concerned with the contemporary significance and relevance of Beauty. The Renaissance attempted to return to the ancient concern with beauty, central to classical Greek and Roman culture and philosophy, taking over and imitating its norms in architecture, in philosophy, and the arts; but excessive formal imitation undermines forms and fails to rekindle the spirit. This is why the Renaissance was followed by the Reformation, with its attempt to resuscitate Christian ascetic purity, with similarly problematic results; while its centrality as a historical period for the gestation of the modern world was replaced by the Protestant Ethic and the Enlightenment by sociologists and by political scientists, just as by comparative historians or public philosophers, up to our days. Concerning the first, it is enough to refer to Max Weber’s famous thesis about the Protestant work Ethic and the rise of modern capitalism; while concerning the latter, the central reference point is Habermas’s call for a return to the ‘Enlightenment project’. However, we would argue that, beyond the schismatic religious divisions that marred the early modern period, and beyond the legacies of the Enlightenment we should rather take inspiration for reclaiming beauty from the Renaissance, if not directly from Antiquity. This is because they came close to identifying Beauty with the social, in the sense of the eidos, as an absolute, moral and eternal, that exists separately and independently from us, yet within reach. This is what we mean by ‘reclaiming beauty’ – the recognition of the ‘invis¬ible and unchanging beauty which pervades all things’ (in the words of Plotinus, as quoted by Gregory Bateson). Given these aims, the Workshop will have to be interdisciplinary, even pluri-disciplinary. As both Antiquity and the Renaissance are historical periods, the Workshop will rely centrally upon the contribution of comparative historical sociologists and philosophers of history. However, given that it will connect the Classical Greek and Roman period and Italian Renaissance of the 13th to 16th centuries to the present, it will also strongly involve social scientists, focusing especially on anthropological perspectives, including both the discipline of social and cultural anthropology, the history and philosophy of science and the broader horizon of classical philosophical anthropology, in particular the work of pre-Socratics and Plato, among contemporary thinkers Gabriel Tarde, Gregory Bateson and Colin Turnbull, and also Bruno Latour, one of the first contemporaries who re-claimed the value of the ‘charming social’. This workshop will be a forum for researchers across disciplines and historical periods, for all those interested in the history of harmonious existence, searching for giving a standard and constitution for being, in taking back the dignity of nature and joy of order. &#xD;
&#xD;
Conveners: James O’Duibh (Cork), Agnes Horvath -International Political Anthropology (Cambridge)
Description: Workshop on&#xD;
Reclaiming Beauty  &#xD;
25 May 2011&#xD;
University of Cambridge &#xD;
 Agnes Horvath, James Cuffe (O’Duibh) &#xD;
University College Cork &#xD;
School of Sociology &#xD;
Safari Building,O'Donovan's Road &#xD;
tel.:00353 21490 3318&#xD;
Email: james@jamescuffe.com&#xD;
Visit the website at http://www.politicalanthropology.org</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 May 2012 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241076</guid>
      <dc:date>2012-05-24T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Poetry as Politics of Liminality</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241075</link>
      <description>Title: Poetry as Politics of Liminality
Authors: International Political Anthropology Summer School
Abstract: Poetry in Politics of Liminality &#xD;
 &#xD;
A strong tradition in cultural anthropology – most notably represented by Geertz – concerns the foundational importance of meaning in human cultures. Aesthetic experiences of beauty, artistic forms of play and sacral ritual performances are fundamental to all cultures, and yet these meanings also appear to be irreducibly unique. Yet, while we are in love with Poetry, we also have to be in love with what is beyond it. This is why IPA thinks that we need to attempt to take hold of this beyond by the means of political anthropology. &#xD;
 &#xD;
The 2012 IPA Summer School concerns Poetry in Liminality. In the contemporary academic scene, the meaning of everyday life and even objects has become a valid field. Yet, political anthropology first of all suggests that there is a difference between ordinary and extraordinary meanings to life, and secondly that the meaning derived from poetry is not a neutral reflection of whatever lies beyond it. Poesis can entail the recognition of the beautiful and the attempt to convey it or a desperate effort to express in familiar terms a frighteningly alien vision of the world. Poets are best remembered as proponents of schismatic divisions – and could anything be more solid, dense, or bodily serious as this view.  &#xD;
 &#xD;
As liminal figures poets are also famed for their despising of the materialistic and utilitarian values leading societies around of them, where emphasis is again placed on the exclusiveness, on their separation from the surrounding whole. Keats said that ‘A poet must have negative capability, the ability to empty himself and let the thing, or event, or other person come to be and speak through him’. Especially in modernity, poetry is considered at once as the highest form of truth and yet an utterly transparent vision of the world – or else poetry is mere play without seriousness or meaning, mere trickery. This, however is truly an error, as it ignores the radical manner in which Poetry altered our understanding of the nature of reality – substituting as more real a layer or level of reality from which life seems pointless – but which exist beyond both Poetry and our everyday. Political anthropology reminds us that poetry emerges from liminal experiences wherein structures are suspended, certainties are subject to doubt and the poet may touch the void. Furthermore, as Plato recognized, within such performances, any image may appear real. Yet, if poetry has any meaning it must reflect the reality beyond. Reality is absolute, where things are stable and constituted, their existence being independent from our beliefs, faith or hope. Matter does matter, not because we perceive it as such, but because its existence is morally ordered beyond us; its origins is outside us, we are merely its receivers, given to us as a gift. This is reflected in the common etymological root of ‘matter’ and ‘mother’ in Latin mater. If we manage to identify ourselves with this absolute reality, we participate in the abundance its heaps on us; but if we try to exploit it for our own benefit, its turns into a mirage in our very hands, while we become corrupted by the very effort. &#xD;
 &#xD;
Thus, the play, beauty and liminality of meaning must be reconsidered in terms of gift-giving, reciprocity and grace. With this Summer 2012 International Academic journal IPA hopes to continue its highly successful summer school series. Altogether in our first three Summer Schools about three dozen students and 13 academics participated from four continents and 22 nationalities (Ireland, Northern Ireland, England, Wales, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Switzerland, Spain, Italy, Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, Kyrgyzstan, the United States, Canada, Japan, Uganda, and Ghana). &#xD;
 &#xD;
We now call upon you to take a share in this our success.
Description: Summer School Series held every summer in Florence, Italy. In 2012 between 24-30 June.</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 23 Jun 2012 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241075</guid>
      <dc:date>2012-06-23T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gli interpreti degli interpreti</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241074</link>
      <description>Title: Gli interpreti degli interpreti
Authors: Horvath, Agnes; Szakolczai, Arpad
Abstract: The two authors are the organizers of the annual Socratic Symposium, which has been held in Florence since 2006. The ‘Socratic Symposium’ addresses each year a selected Dialogue of Plato; so far the they discussed the Ion, the Statesman, Timaeus, the Sophist, and the Symposium, by social scientists (sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists, and philosophers) from UK, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the US and Canada. The organisation of the Simposia was motivated by their belief in the special relevance of Plato’s ideas for the contemporary, suggested by a range of social scientists and philosophers like Gadamer, Ricoeur, Voegelin, Patocka, and – through his last few years of Collège de France lectures – Michel Foucault. This book on Plato's Ion would form a valuable contribution to other scholarly works, motivated by the perception that politics in the modern world is not simply based on the rational pursuit of objective interests, but that rather – just as in all human societies – it is deeply penetrated by mimetic concerns and forces, visible for instance in the inextricably connected phenomena of political revolutions, totalitarian systems, and media power (see, for example, the role of political marketing and propaganda). The study of such mimetic and emotional aspects to modern democratic politics requires the incorporation of broad, anthropologically based terms and perspectives that move beyond the narrow, rationalistic foundations of political analysis that can be traced back to Kant. This book on Plato's Ion will therefore be situated at the intersection point of social and cultural anthropology, comparative politics, and classical philosophical anthropology.
Description: Interdisciplinarity</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 May 2008 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/241074</guid>
      <dc:date>2008-05-24T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Policy legacies and the politics of labour immigration selection and control: the processes and dynamics shaping national-level policy decisions during the recent wave of international migration</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/237050</link>
      <description>Title: Policy legacies and the politics of labour immigration selection and control: the processes and dynamics shaping national-level policy decisions during the recent wave of international migration
Authors: Wright, Christopher F
Abstract: The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics.&#xD;
This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a ‘traditional destination state’ with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a ‘reluctant state’. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it.&#xD;
In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. &#xD;
The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia’s positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. &#xD;
This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation’s past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation’s immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states’ immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation’s immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/237050</guid>
      <dc:date>2011-01-11T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Postcolonial Moment in Security Studies</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/236977</link>
      <description>Title: The Postcolonial Moment in Security Studies
Authors: Barkawi, Tarak; Laffey, Mark
Abstract: In this article, we critique the Eurocentric character of security studies as it has developed since World War II. The taken-for-granted historical geographies that underpin security studies systematically misrepresent the role of the global South in security relations and lead to a distorted view of Europe and the West in world politics. Understanding security relations, past and present, requires acknowledging the mutual constitution of European and non-European worlds and their joint role in making history. The politics of Eurocentric security studies, those of the powerful, prevent adequate understanding of the nature or legitimacy of the armed resistance of the weak. Through analysis of the explanatory and political problems Eurocentrism generates, this article lays the groundwork for the development of a non-Eurocentric security studies.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 May 2006 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/236977</guid>
      <dc:date>2006-05-23T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peoples, Homelands, and Wars? Ethnicity, the Military, and Battle among British Imperial Forces in the War against Japan</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/236976</link>
      <description>Title: Peoples, Homelands, and Wars? Ethnicity, the Military, and Battle among British Imperial Forces in the War against Japan
Authors: Barkawi, Tarak
Abstract: Ethnicity is increasingly central to analysis of war. Whether conceived in essentialist or constructivist terms, ethnicity is often accorded explanatory primacy in accounting for the organization and use of violence in wartime settings, in part due to the utility of processes of othering for group mobilization. Both the political and ideological context of hostilities as well as the motivations of combatants in the actual making of wartime violence are frequently conceptualized in ethnic and racialized terms. In a word, wartime violence is domesticated; it is seen as arising from the identities of, and commitments to, homelands.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Apr 2004 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/236976</guid>
      <dc:date>2004-04-07T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Britain's exploitation of Occupied Germany for scientific and technical intelligence on the Soviet Union</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226719</link>
      <description>Title: Britain's exploitation of Occupied Germany for scientific and technical intelligence on the Soviet Union
Authors: Maddrell, John Paul
Abstract: At the beginning of the Cold War, the gathering of intelligence on the Soviet Union's&#xD;
current and future military capability seemed a near-impossibility. Soviet high-level&#xD;
communications were secure against decryption. Agent networks in the USSR were&#xD;
very difficult to establish and of uncertain reliability. Aerial reconnaissance of warrelated&#xD;
targets in the Soviet Union was risky and could only be occasional. But&#xD;
valuable intelligence was gathered in the years 1945-55 on the USSR's frantic arms&#xD;
build-up, thanks to its policy towards Germans and their country. Its exploitation of&#xD;
Germans and its Zone of Germany in its war-related research and development and&#xD;
the reconstruction of its war-related industries gave British Intelligence penetrable&#xD;
targets in the Soviet Zone and gave great numbers of Germans sought-after&#xD;
information on the USSR itself. The ease of recruiting age nts in East Germany and&#xD;
the flight (including enticed defections) of refugees from it allowed research and&#xD;
development projects and uranium.-mining operations there to be penetrated.&#xD;
Intelligence of Soviet weapons development and of the quality of Soviet military&#xD;
technology was obtained. The mass interrogation of prisoners-of-war returned by the&#xD;
Soviets to the British Occupation Zone in the late 1940s yielded a wealth of valuable&#xD;
information on war-related construction and the locations of numerous intelligence&#xD;
targets in the Soviet Union: most importantly, those of atomic and chemical plants,&#xD;
aircraft and aero-engine factories, airfields, rocket development centres and other&#xD;
installations. When, in the period 1949-58, some 3,000 deported German scientists ,&#xD;
engineers and technicians were sent back to their homeland from the USSR,&#xD;
promising sources among them were enticed West and interrogated for their&#xD;
knowledge of the Soviets' research and development projects. The cream of the&#xD;
information they provided was crucial intelligence on the locations of atomic plants&#xD;
and laboratories and uranium deposits; useful information on structural weaknesses in&#xD;
the Soviet system of scientific and economic management; expert (if out-of-date)&#xD;
assessments of the quality of Soviet accomplishments in atomic science, electronics&#xD;
and other fields; and well-informed indications as to possible lines of development in&#xD;
guided missile and aircraft design. One Soviet scientific defector in Germany&#xD;
provided similar information which influenced British perceptions of the Soviet&#xD;
Union's scientific potential and missile development plans. Refugees entering the&#xD;
British Zone from East Germany, intercepted letters and monitored&#xD;
telecommunications, informal contacts and, of course, secret agents all made&#xD;
significant contributions to the gathering of scientific and technical intelligence in&#xD;
Germany too. The British passed to the Americans much of the intelligence they&#xD;
acquired in Germany and the installations identified and located by German sources&#xD;
were overtlown by spyplanes in the 1950s and particularly by U-2s in the latter half&#xD;
of-the decade. Priceless information was obtained, which establi shed that the USSR's&#xD;
war-related scientific research and development and its actual military capability were&#xD;
both inferior to those of the West. Thus the Germans enabled Soviet security to be&#xD;
deeply penetrated and helped to stabilize the Cold War. They are the missing link&#xD;
between Ultra and the U-2.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Jan 1999 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226719</guid>
      <dc:date>1999-01-26T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Passionate constructions: Democracy and Islam in Anglo-American relations with Iran, 1979-1989</title>
      <link>http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226113</link>
      <description>Title: Passionate constructions: Democracy and Islam in Anglo-American relations with Iran, 1979-1989
Authors: Farmanfarmaian, Roxane</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Apr 2009 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk:80/handle/1810/226113</guid>
      <dc:date>2009-04-13T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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